Stephen Basdeo grew up in Leeds, Yorkshire and he obtained his PhD in December 2017. He is currently a lecturer on the Richmond American International University’s Leeds campus.
He has been published in a variety of academic publications on Victorian crime literature, Robin Hood and other topics. He's also had three popular history books published by Pen and Sword: The Life and Legend of a Rebel Leader: Wat Tyler (2018), The Lives and Exploits of the Most Noted Highwaymen, Rogues, and Murderers (2018) and The Life and Legend of an Outlaw: Robin Hood (2019).
In July 2020, Heroes and Villains of the British Empire: Their Lives and Legends was also published by Pen and Sword.
With Mark Truesdale, Stephen Basdeo is editing and introducing an edition of the previously unpublished late 18th century Robert Southey’s Harold; or, The Castle of Morford: The First Robin Hood Novel. That book will be released by Routledge, as will a forthcoming book on the novels of Pierce Egan the Younger.
His 2022 book Discovering Robin Hood brought new insight to 18th century scholar Joseph Ritson.
Click here to visit his blog: Reynolds's News and Miscellany (formerly Here Begynneth A Lytell Geste of Robin Hood…)
This interview was conducted by email in July 2019 with an update in July 2020 and another in April 2026.
AWW: What was your introduction to the Robin Hood legend? Do you have any childhood favourites?
SB: I expect, like most people of my generation, I grew up with the Disney cartoon version of Robin Hood. Interestingly, I don’t remember being that fond of it—certainly not to the extent that some people I know recall. There was also the famous Robin Hood: Prince of Thieves movie which came out when I was young and I did enjoy it, but I never clamoured my parents to buy me it on home video, so I guess—if that’s a measure of my fondness for something in the VHS age—maybe that did not captivate me massively either.
Where I did really get into Robin Hood was the 2006 series with Jonas Armstrong, which I understand a lot of people dislike for its sub-par storytelling but it was fun, had (what I thought at the time) was relatively good acting, and certainly some good BBC. It was also that series which spurred me to buy a copy of Mike Dixon-Kennedy’s Robin Hood Handbook, which I still have, defaced with notes and dog-eared pages.
So, childhood ‘favourites’? Very few and it wasn’t until later I really began to like Robin Hood.
AWW: What led you to Robin Hood scholarship?
SB: My route into Robin Hood scholarship was through crime history. I completed my MA thesis under the supervision of Dr Heather Shore (Leeds Beckett University), one of the UK’s leading crime historians, on portrayals of eighteenth-century highwaymen in contemporary newspapers and periodicals. How a society views its criminals can tell us a lot about its people; highwaymen were, for the most part, brutes, yet the people loved them and books and novels featuring them were best-sellers. Robbery and property crime more generally tend to flourish in societies which are deeply unequal, and where the state is unable and/or unwilling to enforce the law. Eighteenth-century highwaymen enthusiasts knew this, so they more willing to overlook the brutality of these men because they were giving the authorities the run-around. Besides, if people ever actually met a highwayman, they usually saw them on the scaffold at a public execution; any threat they posed was about to be neutered and, if they gave a good show at their death, what was not to like?
Just as my MA thesis was being wrapped up, a call for a fully-funded PhD project on eighteenth- and nineteenth-century medievalism went out at another local university, Leeds Trinity, so I decided to write a proposal on Robin Hood—England’s most famous robber—in Georgian and Victorian printed works which, luckily, was accepted. So robbers led me into Robin Hood scholarship.
AWW: Although I believe it was a spin-off of your work on Robin Hood, you first book was on rebel leader Wat Tyler. I enjoyed how -- like Robin Hood's legend -- you depicted how the nature of Tyler's story changed to suit different times. But I sense a bit of a difference from Robin Hood. While Robin's history as a freedom fighter is a post-medieval development, I still think despite the complaints of moralists like Bishop Latimer that even was he was a "full-blooded medieval brigand", audience's sympathies were generally with Robin Hood. However, Tyler was truly vilified for a few hundred years. What do you see as the difference between Tyler and Robin Hood?
SB: Yes my work on Wat Tyler was most definitely inspired by my work on Robin Hood. Basically, as I began writing in my thesis about William Morris’s references to Robin Hood in A Dream of John Ball (1886), for which he wrote a Robin Hood ballad as well, I was struck by the fact that no one had written a comprehensive overview of Tyler’s reappearances in popular culture. So I decided to take the model of Stephen Knight’s Robin Hood: A Mythic Biography (2003) and do the same for Tyler.
As you say, Tyler was indeed vilified by many writers in the post-medieval period, and it’s not until Thomas Paine and, later, the Chartists in the 1700s and 1800s respectively, come along that his reputation is rehabilitatedin print. Now, you mention audience: it is true that somewriters were hostile to Tyler in the early modern period, but—and I’m in two minds about this—might this suggest that in that period audiences-at-large thought positively of him, or at least not as negatively as the moralists? If you need to keep telling people someone or something is bad it might suggest that people might too readily be inspired by his actions (the large number of riots in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries suggests that the people-at-large hesitated verylittle when it came to rioting themselves, and it was often as a warning against rioting that Tyler’s name was invoked by those friendly to the establishment).
Tyler’seventual rehabilitation in the 1700s and 1800s by Paine and the Chartists suggests that there was a counter-interpretation all along which eventually won out. Interestingly Tyler’s reputation is rehabilitated after the era of ‘King Mob’, when instances of rioting had largely subsided as a feature of British public life. But those are just thoughts I’ve been throwing around in my head and will take on a more coherent form at some point in time…
I think the same process happened with Robin Hood: yes, Latimer and other writers were very hostile to the outlaw, but they couldn’t claim the dominant interpretation of Robin Hood’s life and actions for long. Where the difference between Robin Hood and Wat Tyler becomes apparent is that Wat Tyler could never be a hero of the establishment, as Robin Hood becomes when his ‘gentrification’ begins in the sixteenth-century Munday plays. You can make an outlaw a servant of the state; that was not at all unusual in early modern Europe when, with a ‘can’t beat then join ‘em’ attitude, many rulers placed former outlaws and bandits in charge of policing remote areas of their kingdom and gave them a handsome reward for doing so. You cannot gentrify, however, any man who seeks to completely overthrow the existing order—he’ll forever be a pariah to the establishment.
AWW: In your book on The Lives & Exploits of the Most Noted Highwaymen, Rogues and Murderers, you mentioned how figures like Captain James Hind, Dick Turpin and Jack Sheppard were all depicted as being butchers at some point in their career. I thought about the Robin Hood ballad where he assumes a butcher's disguise, but I was surprised to learn in your book Robin Hood: The Life & Legend of an Outlaw that in Alexander Smith's 18th century history of highwaymen that Robin Hood himself was raised as a butcher. What is the reason for this literary connection between being a butcher and a robber?
SB: I guess I should signal that I’ve recently written a chapter on the connection between highwaymen and butchering in a recent edited collection by our mutual friend, Alex Kaufman (and so fulfil my contractual obligation with Routledge to promote the book in general…), entitled Food and Feast in Modern Outlaw Tales (2018).
In Alexander Smith’s History of the Highwaymen and Charles Johnson’s Lives and Exploits of the Most Noted Highwaymen—you can see from those titles the tradition in which I was trying to situate my own book—Robin Hood is indeed depicted as a butcher. The first thing to note is that Robin Hood in these books is not a ‘medieval’ figure by any stretch; the accounts are de-historicised and Robin Hood is, to all intents and purposes, an seventeenth/eighteenth-century highwayman.
In real-life terms, eighteenth-century butchers were, surprisingly, often well-connected with members of the criminal underworld. Meat, and good meat, was an expensive commodity in the eighteenth century. Draconian laws against poaching on private lands, some of which originated in the time of our hero, Robin Hood, were still in place. Added to this were new bylaws (laws established in a particular parish or town which do not require an Act of Parliament) banning poaching from specific places, where the medieval laws had only dealt with the Royal forests and parks for the most part. In spite of this the crime of poaching remained endemic; poachers, of course, needed somewhere to dispose of their stolen meat, so butchers acted like receivers of stolen goods in meat, acquiring stock at a cut price and undercutting their fellow butchers. And the butchers were only too ready to do this; competition in the marketplace, for the medieval butchers’ guilds were largely an irrelevance by this point, led to butchers being more willing to engage in criminal activity. Some butchers decided to cut out middle men and just go poaching themselves, and from there they usually became involved in gangs after which they became wanted men. In short, the meat trade was an easy route into a criminal life (though we mustn’t overplay this all the same, for while many highwaymen were butchers, there were of course a number of respectable butchers who never turned to crime in the eighteenth century, and many other trades are represented in the annals of the highwaymen.
Yet because butchering is an unpleasant trade, in cultural terms, a number of other fears regarding the alleged brutality of the trade and, by extension, the moral character of butchers at large also developed. John Gay, who wrote The Beggar’s Opera (1728), also wrote a few words which neatly illustrate the public view of butchers:
Butchers, whose hands are dy’d with blood’s foul stain,
And always foremost in the hangman’s train.
The implication was that, if a person was willing to kill a defenceless animal—and the Georgians recognised that animal cruelty went hand-in-hand with criminality (see Hogarth’s Industry and Idleness)—then a person probably had very few qualms about harming other people. Now, not every highwayman/butcher in Smith’s work was probably in real life a butcher—Smith probably just made up that ‘fact’ for half of them—but the material circumstances of daily life, the people who they came into contact with, and the negative connotations with the trade made butchers a convenient scapegoat for criminality.
AWW: I was interested to learn how the penny dreadfuls of Jack Sheppard produced moral outrage in the 19th century. It reminds me of the 1950s moral hysteria against comic books (and rock and roll music). Please elaborate a little on the medium of penny bloods and penny dreadfuls. What became of them?
SB: Penny bloods and penny dreadfuls are my favourite kinds of Victorian literature. I’ll speak about the former first. These were weekly or monthly serials which provided the working and lower-middle classes with cheap entertainment. Although a lot of the penny bloods were crime stories, like the original Sweeney Todd story, A String of Pearls, this wasn’t uniformly the case. There could also be supernatural gothic tales like Varney the Vampyre; or, The Feast of Blood, as well as medieval stories like Pierce Egan’s Robin Hood and his follow up novels, Wat Tyler, and Adam Bell. They were gory, thrilling, and their weekly serialisation meant that authors kept their readers wanting more.
The most famous, or infamous, writer in this genre was a personal favourite of mine (and of Stephen Knight’s, who’s just written a book on him): George William MacArthur Reynolds, the man who outsold Dickens author of countless penny bloods, the most famous of which was The Mysteries of London and The Mysteries of the Court of London. There was a radical streak in many penny dreadfuls, which always cast the aristocracy in the role of the ‘baddies’.
And yes, a lot of controversy surrounded both the novels and the authors also acquired a reputation. The name of G. W. M. Reynolds was ‘a name with which no ladies’ and gentleman’s should be associated’, according to Charles Dickens. Reynolds’s and Pierce Egan the Younger’s novels—the latter who was quite a famous Victorian Robin Hood novelist—were said to be full of ‘lust and murder’ according to the times.
Of course, moralists denounced the penny bloods but they remained very, very popular with readers. Much of the furore around the ‘bloods’ stemmed from anxiety among the elites that the plebs were not reading ‘wholesome literature’, and it was more worrying because the authors were usually at the radical end of the political spectrum.
After mid-century, moralists had a whole new genre to complain about: the penny dreadful. Where bloods were for adults, penny dreadfuls, serialised weekly and likewise selling for a penny, catered to the children’s market, and the sector exploded after the passage of the Education Act (1870). There are countless, quite forgettable Robin Hood stories from the late 1860s onwards in various penny dreadfuls, either as standalone magazines (a bit like comics today) or as part of magazines such as the Boys of England, Sons of Britannia, Our Young Folks. Some more respectable publishers tried to recapture the youth market by publishing highly decorative, cloth-bound books for children, as well as ‘wholesome’ magazines like The Boys Own (est. 1879), Boys of the Empire. The magazines became a scapegoat, castigated as the cause of the rise in juvenile delinquency which was the source of a lot of moral panic, and the respectable magazines could never quite eclipse that of the penny dreadfuls. Then a lot of writers criss-crossed between penny dreadfuls and nice magazines and the content in the latter was just as violent as the former genre, although the latter did not have a bad reputation. And reputation counted for a lot, for none of those who complained ever actually read the penny dreadfuls!
AWW: One popular penny blood was Pierce Egan the Younger's 1838 - 1840 serialized novel Robin Hood and Little John. What is your opinion of Egan's Robin Hood?
SB: So, of Robin Hood novels, I have two favourites: Scott’s Ivanhoe and Egan’s Robin Hood and Little John. It’s best described as the Game of Thrones of its day: a weekly serial full of suspense, violence, quite graphic violence actually—usually the most violent part of each week’s plot was depicted in a large illustration—sieges, deranged aristocrats, love, death, and several attempted rapes (lord knows what Egan’s mind was like). It was pure melodrama.
I think because of its sheer length (almost half a million words) very few scholars have read the full novel. I read it in full and I wasn’t disappointed. Thoroughly enjoyable!
Because few scholars have read it in full, and because post-medieval Robin Hood scholarship has tended to favour the ‘big name’ works like Ivanhoe, then it’s easy to understate his importance. We often think that later penny novelists were copying Scott, but an argument I tentatively made in my thesis is that, yes, they were drawing on Scott but also on the excitement and cliffhanger suspense of Egan’s novel. And of course, it was so popular that Egan’s novel was translated into French—only Scott’s Ivanhoe has matched that. Egan’s text went through at least six editions over the Victorian era, while the much-loved (among scholars, though I find it rather boring, and it is, if we’re honest) Maid Marian by Thomas Love Peacock enjoyed one edition in 1822, was briefly revived in 1830, then not again until 1895 when George Saintsbury published his scholarly editions. Yet puzzlingly it’s Maid Marian that scholars give more precedence too — although I don’t unfortunately have a time machine, I would bet that, if I did have one and went back and asked Victorians which version of Robin Hood they were more familiar with, they would return two answers: Scott’s Ivanhoe and Pierce Egan’s Robin Hood. Peacock doesn’t even innovate in the least. He simply offered us a rehash of ballad stories in prose — Egan was by far superior, he just wrote for a less snobby audience. If you want to get to know the 19th-century Robin Hood, read Egan and Scott.
AWW: As I recall, you're a fan of Sir Walter Scott and his novel Ivanhoe. What's your opinion about the impact of Ivanhoe on the Robin Hood legend?
SB: Scott’s influence on the legend was undeniably huge. I’ve never written this, but I’d say that, in terms of transmission, Ivanhoe is at least as important as the early texts—bear with me on this: the novel appeared at a time when the market for mass-market printed works was truly exploding. Every successive novelist and playwright, and later in the twentieth century, TV and film writers, draw upon Scott in some way: in Robin of Locksley in Ivanhoe, we have a brave and quintessentially English, or Anglo-Saxon, freedom fighter. And it’s also refreshing—I’ve often remarked to Mark Truesdale that it’s those who make significant innovations on the legend who often produce the most long-lasting versions of it. We see this with Munday’s elevation of Robin to the aristocracy—that detail lasted. Anglo-Saxon freedom fighter—that detail lasted. Chronicles which say he stole from the rich and gave to the poor (when the Gest does not)—again, this detail lasted.
Now, as Robin Hood scholars we all love the Gest, but (and I think this is a discussion which needs to be had among us), in terms of influence it had very little till the late Victorian era and even then it was in dry scholarly works, after it had been “rediscovered” by Ritson. The same goes for Robin Hood and the Monk, “undiscovered” until the nineteenth century. It had been reprinted / ‘rediscovered’ by Joseph Ritson in 1795 in a scholarly work, but only about 200 copies of Ritson’s book were printed (probably less—I’ll have to recheck the footnote in my thesis—but that was actually below the average for a first print run), but the Gest only meaningfully reappears in late nineteenth century stories. There is little hint of it in any of the early films, all of which take their cue from Ivanhoe—Robin Hood being less an outlaw and more a freedom fighter—and I think (I may be wrong and willing to be corrected), that the last time a plot from the Gest made it into a TV show was in Robin of Sherwood.
AWW: You're working with Mark Truesdale on publishing Robert Southey's previously unpublished late 18th century Robin Hood novel. How does Southey's abandoned work anticipate later changes in the Robin Hood legend?
SB: I “found” Southey’s unpublished work while I was researching Wat Tyler. I love reading footnotes (mainly cos I’m a stickler for sources but they often contain nice little gems of information). An article from Jean Raimond in the 1980s on Southey’s early writings had, in a little footnote, a reference to Bodleian MS Eng Misc. e. 21, which she said was a Robin Hood novel Southey wrote in 1791. I suddenly thought: ooh, this is new! (and commentary on it would be helpful to fulfil part of the ‘originality’ aspect of my PhD thesis!) So I went to the Bodleian in Oxford to have a look—it’s a long novel but enjoyable, and I really wanted it published. So I asked to Mark if he wanted in on the project and it was a very enthusiastic yes from him (too much for one person to do!) and so Routledge are publishing it.
My theory—and when I first told Mark he seemed to agree—is that, while Southey’s text remained unpublished, he may have discussed his Robin Hood novel with Walter Scott. It’s wholly different to other Robin Hood stories—no sheriff, but the story of a returning crusader named Harold, who, along with Richard I, who has returned to England in disguise, and has to team up with Robin Hood to help Harold recover his lands from the bad Baron Fitzosborne. Pure melodrama! But you can see in that some resonances with Ivanhoe, and in the first draft of Scott’s Ivanhoe, the title character’s name, a returning crusader, was Harold. So, although we probably won’t include this in the introduction as there’s no documentary evidence of the two friends, Scott and Southey, ever writing to each other, they must at least have exchanged ideas.
AWW: What else are you working on at the moment?
SB: In the next Journal of William Morris Studies, I have an article coming out on William Morris’s use of Ritson’s Robin Hood in A Dream of John Ball—thus uniting Ritson, Wat Tyler, John Ball, and William Morris all into one, so what’s not to love!
I’ll be leaving off popular history books for a while because, in this day and age, one must produce at least one academic monograph. So now I’ve just about read all of Pierce Egan’s medievalist novels, I’m planning a monograph, the working title of which will be something along the lines of Radical Medievalism: The Early Fiction of Pierce Egan the Younger. So, still Robin Hood, but also hopefully bringing something ‘new’ to the discussion.
AWW: What's your favourite version of the Robin Hood legend, and do you have any recent favourites?
SB: A recent Amazon UK review remarked on my book that ‘Although the author doesn't say, it's clear Ivanhoe is his favourite’. I think I’ve spoken enough about Ivanhoe enough. In order of preference I like:
Obviously, we are friends, so you know my feelings on films in general. I think the legend hit a low point with Prince of Thieves and the parody Men in Tights, just for the sheer stupidity of both the ‘proper’ film and the parody which was parodying what was essentially nothing but a farcical symbol of everything that was wrong with 90s filmmaking—poor acting, poor plots, masked by big set-piece action. What makes POT worse is that it meant Bryan Adams’s warbling 'Everything I do' was stuck at the top spot for a number of weeks and MTV and VH1 played it incessantly. Add to that Maid Marian and Her Merry Men, actually—anyone of my generation who says that is a “classic” and of any quality at all is just looking through at it through a lens of nostalgia, and not seeing it for the run-of-the-mill tacky BBC crap that it was in reality.
This is why I much prefer novels. No film will ever live up to what I as a Robin Hood fan want them to be, so I use novels to allow the authors to shape but not constrain my imagination: for real good Robin Hood fun, to experience a rollercoaster of emotions and experience exciting battles, read Scott or Egan.
AWW: Thanks for your answers. Even though I feel like I should make it my life's work to make sure Flynn or Praed bumps Crowe off that list. (grins)
AWW: Your latest book Heroes and Villains of the British Empire is out this month, What can you tease about this book?
SB: The book isn't a typical history of the British Empire but a study of how the "heroes" of the empire have been commemorated in popular culture. This includes both real figures, like Lord Roberts of Kandahar, General Gordon, but also criminals like the outlaw Ned Kelly. So the main source material for the book was broadside ballads, novels (the popular kind, although Walter Scott does find his way in due to having written "The Surgeon's Daughter" set in India), as well as penny dreadfuls, and, perhaps topically, statues too.
It's interesting how, for most people, the real heroes of the empire are now the people who challenged it: William Lyon Mackenzie -- the Canadian Wat Tyler -- Gandhi, Ned Kelly. Those who were once "villains" are now the heroes of the empire story.
AWW: What else do you have upcoming?
SB: I have a book on Joseph Ritson coming out titled Discovering Robin Hood: The Life of Joseph Ritson: Gentleman, Scholar, Revolutionary, which is out in March 2021. He's such an interesting figure and had his own eyebrow raising views on imperialism -- disagreed with the American Revolution, was a little bit racist about Indians (one should never meet one's heroes, I guess). And of course, with Mark Truesdale, we are publishing Southey's Harold - the first Robin Hood novel, written in 1791.
However, my main project is a monograph on G.W.M. Reynolds's Political Ideology. I have two chapters written, but unfortunately no "sexy" title yet, but I'm thinking of G.W.M. Reynolds: Red Republican (Red Republicans were a pre-Marxist, English/Proudhonian/Hegelian socialist movement that flourished in the UK in the 1850s, of which Reynolds was part). However, maybe there's scope for a little bit of a connection between Reynolds and Robin Hood. In his 8 volume novel The Mysteries of the Court of London, one of the highwaymen's main heroes is said to be none other than Robin Hood! And of course, Reynolds was best friends with Pierce Egan. So, although on paper I'm not working on Robin Hood for a good while, he'll still be making an appearance somehow or other...
But to come back to the Empire, dependent on the outcome of peer-review, I (hopefully, unless reviewer 2 raises their ugly head), have an article on imperialist ideology in the late-Victorian Robin Hood books coming out!
AWW: Thanks again, Stephen.
SB: Pleasure!
AWW: When we last touched base in 2020, your books on Joseph Ritson and G.W.M. Reynolds was still on the horizon. Both have since come out. I’ll get to Ritson in moment. But first with Reynolds, I see you’ve renamed your blog after him. What is the continuing appeal about Reynolds?
SB: There were a couple of reasons for the name change. The website was originally titled Here Begynneth a Lytell Geste of Robin Hood… and was devoted solely to essays connected with my PhD research on Robin Hood. Over time, however, my reading and writing began to extend beyond Robin Hood into wider areas of literary and historical interest. Besides this, there were already a good number of excellent websites dedicated exclusively to Robin Hood—your own Bold Outlaw site, the IARHS blog, and the International Robin Hood Bibliography, among others—so a renaming seemed appropriate.
I chose Reynolds’s News and Miscellany in imitation, and homage, to George W. M. Reynolds. In his own miscellany Reynolds championed many different kinds of writing—fiction, journalism, social commentary, and essays—and that breadth is something I wanted the site to reflect as well.
Reynolds’s continuing appeal for me lies chiefly in the fact that he used his platform to speak out against social injustice. He was a radical, certainly, but unlike some nineteenth-century thinkers, he did not bury his politics in dense political and economic theory. He addressed common readers directly, and he did so in a form they would actually read and buy: the serialised novel. That combination of literary energy, political commitment, and accessibility is what still makes him such an interesting figure for me and an increasing number of Victorian history and literature scholars.
AWW: I think some Robin Hood scholars (myself among them) had a sort of quick summary view of Ritson: cantankerous, vegetarian, revolutionary radical. But your Discovering Robin Hood book gave a much more complete picture of the man. I’d have thought a supporter of Thomas Paine and also the French Revolution would have supported the American revolution. But you show how his position shifted over time. What’s the most surprising thing you discovered about Joseph Ritson?
SB: Yes, the quick summary view is one that I encounter frequently, not only in Robin Hood scholarship but in eighteenth-century studies and Romanticism more broadly. It is not wholly wrong—Ritson was cantankerous, vegetarian, and at times politically radical—but it does not do justice to the complexity of the man.
One of the most surprising things I discovered was just how reactionary Ritson had been in his earlier life. He came to Thomas Paine quite late, only in 1791, and there is no evidence that he had read Common Sense when it first appeared in 1776. Before that, his politics were in many respects decidedly conservative: he was a Tory, sympathetic to the Jacobite cause, and hostile to the Hanoverian regime. Only gradually did this position soften. By the 1780s he could even speak affectionately of George III as “our gracious King,” and this seems to have gone hand in hand with a slow movement towards Whig politics.
It was really his visit to France in 1791 that seems to have crystallised a more openly revolutionary outlook. Even then, however, his most fervently radical statements are concentrated in the years 1791 to 1793, after which the tone becomes more muted. And even at his most radical, Ritson was not quite as democratic as we might expect today. He was sceptical of many working-class reformers campaigning for the vote, advised his nephew not to associate with them, and made clear to at least one anti-revolutionary correspondent that, whatever political changes might come, private property should remain intact. He was therefore no proto-socialist, nor anything like a redistributionist in the modern sense.
But perhaps the greatest irony of all was historical rather than ideological. In his professional capacity as High Bailiff of the Liberty of the Savoy, Ritson was effectively the equivalent of a sheriff. So, we are left with the wonderfully paradoxical fact that one of the very types of men Robin Hood is supposed to have opposed was, in Ritson’s case, also one of the chief preservers of the outlaw’s legend.
AWW: Ritson and Robin Hood have come back into your professional life. You’re editing a new edition of Joseph Ritson’s Robin Hood collection. One that seems to collate the original 1795 edition with the later editions edited by his nephew Joseph Frank, and add in some ballads left out by Ritson. How did this project come about?
SB: Robin Hood and Ritson have indeed come back into my professional life in a very significant way. After a PhD on Robin Hood, a trade book on the subject, and then a biography of Ritson himself, I felt that a brief rest was in order. That reset was probably necessary, both intellectually and emotionally. In a sense, I have since “rediscovered” both Robin Hood and Ritson, and my appreciation for each has only grown.
The idea for the edition first arose in conversation with my late PhD supervisor, Professor Rosemary Mitchell, in 2018. At that point we were discussing possible post-PhD projects. I was weighing up whether to turn my thesis into a monograph, but I was uneasy about doing so. It had served its purpose well as a doctoral thesis, and the argument remains accessible to anyone who wants it, but I was not convinced it should become a monograph simply for the sake of having one. I remember saying to Rosemary that, one day, I would like to produce a critical edition of Ritson’s Robin Hood. Her reply was that such a project would be an immense undertaking—something like a ten-year job. As it turns out, she was almost exactly right: as of 2026 the manuscript has been submitted to Routledge, has passed peer review, and is now awaiting production.
The project became still more necessary while I was researching Discovering Robin Hood, my biography of Ritson. In the course of that work, I became increasingly aware of the significant textual and ideological differences between the 1795 first edition and the 1832 edition edited by Ritson’s nephew, Joseph Frank. The later edition incorporates expanded headnotes derived from Ritson’s subsequent research, yet Frank also toned down some of his uncle’s anti-religious remarks in both the main text and the notes. It therefore seemed to me that what was needed was a kind of master edition: one that would collate the original 1795 text with the later editorial state, while also restoring ballads omitted by Ritson.
There was also a practical scholarly reason for doing it. References to “Ritson’s Robin Hood” are far from standardised in modern scholarship: depending on the bibliography, one finds citations to 1795, 1832, 1885, and sometimes even to the 1820 children’s abridgement. A properly edited critical edition seemed necessary not only to clarify the textual history of the work, but also to give scholars a more stable point of reference.
Finally, I wanted to continue Ritson’s mission of providing ALL the ancient poems, songs, and ballads, so I’ve included any Robin Hood ballads I could find that were not in Ritson’s collection, from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, as well as newer Victorian productions that appeared late in the tradition.
AWW: Ritson rather famously — or possibly infamously — questioned the editorial practices of others, particularly Bishop Thomas Percy. What was your own approach to editing this collection?
SB: Yes, the Ritson–Percy debates remained an important point of contention in later scholarship. It should be said, however, that Percy was writing for an audience with little patience for the complexities of Middle English and early modern philology, and who wanted older poetry presented in a more accessible form. In that respect, Percy succeeded admirably. His Reliques of Ancient English Poetry remains a fine collection and a major contribution to the recovery of early English literature.
The real point of conflict between Ritson and Percy was not simply the meaning of the word “minstrel,” important though that debate was, nor any other minor linguistic point which has since been rendered redundant by modern scholarship. More fundamentally, it was a clash between two different editorial philosophies, each serving a different kind of reader. Percy wanted to bring the past alive for the present; Ritson wanted to preserve the past as faithfully as possible.
While editing this collection, there were certainly moments when I wondered whether I had bitten off more than I could chew. In the end, I decided that my approach had to be twofold. On the one hand, the book needed to function as a critical edition of Ritson’s Robin Hood as an eighteenth-century text, a literary artefact, attentive to its own publication history and editorial development. On the other hand, each individual ballad also had to be treated critically in its own right, drawing where necessary upon the glosses, commentaries, and discoveries of later scholars such as Dobson and Taylor, Stephen Knight, Thomas Ohlgren, and Lister Matheson.
I do not offer extended critical commentary on the poems and ballads themselves. I leave the interpretation of the texts and the identification of their historical allusions to those better-suited to carry out the task than myself. In doing so, of course, I follow in Ritson’s footsteps, for he never published any interpretative essays on the individual texts.
So if I were to summarise my editorial philosophy, it would be this: preserve the past as fully as possible, but speak to the needs of present readers, and remain in dialogue with the scholarship that has deepened our understanding of these poems.
AWW: On your blog, you’ve identified the likely writers of some of the later ballads. Can you please talk about some of that research?
SB: The identification of authors behind some of the early modern Robin Hood ballads really grew out of the editorial work on Ritson’s Robin Hood. When I came to the seventeenth-century broadsides, it became necessary to cross-check them against entries in the Stationers’ Register, where publishers recorded their claims to particular texts. In doing so, I found that a number of writers could be identified either by name or by initials—figures such as Thomas Robins (fl. 1650–60), Laurence Price (fl. 1624–67), and Samuel Smithson (fl. 1650–90).
This allows us to attach specific texts to specific writers with a degree of confidence. Thomas Robins, for instance, appears to be responsible for Robin Hood’s Chase (c. 1656–62), Robin Hood and the Butcher (1657), and Robin Hood and the Beggar (1656). Laurence Price wrote Robin Hood’s Golden Prize (1631), while Samuel Smithson can be associated with Robin Hood and Maid Marian (c. 1660–90).
One appears to have had royalist sympathies and was vehemently anti-Catholic; another was aligned with the Cromwellian regime, while another made his living writing songs that verge on the pornographic. The Robin Hood tradition in this period was therefore not ideologically uniform, but a space into which very different voices could enter. As all three men’s works were included in Ritson’s Robin Hood, this made the entire collection a curious ideological amalgam: it contains an overarching eighteenth-century classical republican ideology, anti-Catholicism, and royalism.
It seems to me, therefore, a small act of literary justice to reattach these names—carefully and transparently, in square brackets—to the texts they likely produced in my own edition of Ritson. In the case of Robins especially, there appears to be no other identified author who contributed so many ballads to the seventeenth-century Robin Hood tradition.
A further benefit of working with the Stationers’ Register, alongside resources such as Donald Wing’s Short-Title Catalogue, is that it allows us to date these ballads with much greater precision. Although the broadsides themselves are usually undated, the register records the exact day, month, and year of entry, giving us a firmer chronological framework.
The identification of Robins also raises interesting questions about related manuscripts such as the Percy Folio. A version of Robin Hood and the Butcher appears there, and it is not yet clear whether the compiler of the Folio adapted Robins’s text, or whether Robins himself was drawing upon an already circulating version of the tale. That is a question which will require further investigation, but it points to the complex interplay between print and manuscript traditions in the development of the legend.
AWW: I know you’ve visited Brazil a few times and just translated a Brazilian poem about Robin Hood. How do you think Robin Hood has been represented in Brazilian culture?
SB: Robin Hood was, in fact, responsible for my connection with Brazil. In 2021 I was invited by Luiz Guerra, then at the Federal University of Minas Gerais and previously unknown to me, to give an online talk on Robert Southey’s Harold; or, The Castle of Morford (1791), one of the earliest Robin Hood novels. From that initial invitation, a number of friendships and scholarly connections developed. One of them, Professor Danielle Gallindo, has since written the foreword to my new edition of Joseph Ritson’s Robin Hood. I also had the honour of serving as external examiner for Maurício Albuquerque’s PhD thesis on Victorian portrayals of Richard the Lionheart, a subject which of course intersects with my own interest in Victorian Robin Hood traditions.
One of the most interesting things I discovered was that Brazil possesses a chapbook tradition broadly comparable to that of Britain in the form of cordel literature. These are small pamphlets, often of eight to sixteen pages, containing verse narratives intended for popular circulation. As in Britain, tales of outlaws feature prominently in this tradition. Among the most famous cordel subjects is Lampião, the early twentieth-century Brazilian outlaw, but the genre has also embraced stories of criminals, rebels, and revolutionary figures more generally.
As for Robin Hood in Brazilian culture, the cordel poems I have encountered so far tend largely to retell stories derived from film and popular media rather than from the medieval or early modern ballad tradition itself. In particular, they seem indebted to The Adventures of Robin Hood (1938), and the visual image of Robin Hood that accompanies them is often very close to the Errol Flynn version of the character. In other words, what we find in Brazil is not simply the transmission of an English legend abroad, but the export of a specifically cinematic and twentieth-century Robin Hood.
So far, I have collected two of these Brazilian cordel works and translated one of them. The other remains a project for another day, but even these few examples suggest how adaptable Robin Hood has been: not only across centuries, but across languages, media, and national cultures.
AWW: What else are you working on now?
SB: My next project is a collaboration with Professor Alexander Kaufman on a volume of prose lives of Robin Hood from the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries, encompassing texts such as the Sloane Life of Robin Hood, the early modern Noble Birth and Gallant Atchievements [sic] of Robin Hood, and those which appear in Alexander Smith’s and Charles Johnson’s histories of the highwaymen.
Alongside this, I have been considering a trade book provisionally titled Robin Hood: The Men Who Made the Legend, which would bring together short biographies of the writers, printers, and performers who have played a role in shaping and preserving the tradition.
I have also recently enjoyed producing editions of early modern Robin Hood plays, such as Anthony Munday’s Metropolis Coronata and the anonymous Looke About You (1600). While I continue to follow established editorial guidelines, I have also wanted to create editions that are practically useful, that students can easily access, download, and work with. These can be found on my website but the Creative Commons licence is such that anyone can reuse or repost them. You can expect more of these minor editions in the coming months.
It has been a pleasure to return to Robin Hood and to Ritson after some years away from both. If there is one thing that continues to strike me, it is that neither the legend nor its editors ever quite stand still. Each generation, in its own way, reshapes Robin Hood according to its own concerns, while figures such as Ritson remind us that the work of preservation is never neutral, but always shaped by the intellectual and political commitments of the editor.
If my new edition of Ritson’s Robin Hood contributes in some small way to clarifying that history, and to encouraging others to return to the texts themselves, then it will have served its purpose.
AWW: Thanks!
SB: Thank you for giving me this opportunity my friend
ROBIN HOOD: THE LIFE & LEGEND OF AN OUTLAW by Stephen Basdeo. This book explores the 800 years of the Robin Hood legend as it changes through time. Pretty much everything is covered here but I think the look at the 17th - 19th centuries is especially strong..
Buy Robin Hood: The Life and Legend of an Outlaw on Amazon.com
THE LIFE AND LEGEND OF A REBEL LEADER: WAT TYLER by Stephen Basdeo. This book focuses less on historical Wat Tyler and the 1381 Peasants' Revolt and more on Tyler's literary afterlife, in works of art and political propaganda.
Buy The Life and Legend of a Rebel Leader: Wat Tyler on Amazon.com
THE LIVES & EXPLOITS OF THE MOST NOTED HIGHWAYMEN, ROGUES AND MURDERERS by Stephen Basdeo. Reviving the old tradition of criminal biography, Stephen Basdeo looks at some of the most notorious British rogues -- including Robin Hood, Dick Turpin, Jack Sheppard and more.
Buy The Lives & Exploits of the Most Noted Highwaymen, Rogues and Murderers on Amazon.com
HEROES AND VILLAINS OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE: THEIR LIVES AND LEGENDS by Stephen Basdeo. A look at the figures behind the growth of the British Empire, either heroes or villains depending on who tells the tale..
Buy Heroes and Villains of the British Empire: Their Lives and Legends on Amazon.com
DISCOVERING ROBIN HOOD: THE LIFE OF JOSEPH RITSON by Stephen Basdeo. A detailed biography about a key figure in the development of the Robin Hood legend.
Buy Discovering Robin Hood on Amazon.com
THE LIVES &FOOD AND FEAST IN MODERN OUTLAW TALES edited by Alexander L. Kaufman and Penny Vlagopoulos. This academic collection includes Stephen Basdeo's article "Bred up a Butcher": The Meat Trade and Its Connection Criminality in Eighteenth-Century England.
Buy Food and Feast in Modern Outlaw Tales on Amazon.com
Contact Us